- 'Waiting for Godot': regime change without
democratization in the Middle East
Holger Albrecht and Oliver Schlumberger.
International political science review, Vol. 25, No. 4, pp.
371-392 Oct, 2004.
ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: 'When will Middle Eastern countries
democratize?' is the normative question that guided the literature
on regime change in the Arab world during the 1990s. Since
significant political changes but no systemic transitions
have occurred, this question needs reformulation: what accounts
for the persistence of Arab authoritarianism? Escaping thus
from the teleological tunnel permits the identification of
two major developments. The first is an oscillation between
controlled political liberalizations and deliberalizations,
and the second consists of five areas of change within regimes:
legitimation, elites, institution building, co-optation, and
regimes' reactions to external influences. The second trend
is particularly crucial for understanding the durability of
authoritarianism in the Arab world. Our findings clarify differences,
but also provide bases for comparison between the Arab world
and those developing regions where political transition did
occur. // ABSTRACT IN FRENCH: "Quand les pays du Moyen-Orient
se démocratiseront-ils?" est la question normative determinante
à la littérature sur les changements de régime dans le monde
arabe des années 1990. Puisque des changements politiques
significatifs, mais sans transition systématique, se sont
produits, cette question a besoin d'être reformulée: qu'est-ce
qui explique la persistance de l'autoritarisme arabe? Alors,
échappant au raisonnement téléologique, on discerne deux développements
principaux: l'oscillation entre libéralisations et restrictions
politiques contrôlées, d'une part, et, d'autre part, cinq
secteurs de changement au sein des régimes: légitimation,
élites, mise en place institutionnelle, cooptation et réactions
des régimes aux influences externes. Ce second aspect est
particulièrement décisif pour comprendre la longévité de l'autoritarisme
dans le monde arabe. Nos analyses clarifient les différences,
mais fournissent également des bases pour la comparaison entre
le monde arabe et les régions en voie de développement dans
lesquelles la transition politique s'est produite.; Reprinted
by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- Islamism, revolution, and civil society
Perspectives on politics, Vol. 1, No. 2. pp. 257-272, Jun,
Over recent decades, Islamism - the belief that Islam should
guide social and political as well as personal life - has
become a powerful force throughout much of the Muslim world.
Through a discussion of the Egyptian case, this essay shows
how the rise of Islamism can be illuminated by findings of
the literatures on revolution and civil society, and vice
versa. As many leading theories on revolutions would predict,
the necessary precondition for Islamism's rise has been the
declining efficacy and legitimacy of the state. Yet what has
occurred in Egypt (and other parts of the Arab world) is not
a successful revolution but a peculiar stalemate in which
the existing regime retains political power while ceding substantial
control over the societal and cultural spheres to the revolutionary
challenger-an outcome that the literature does not envision.
This stalemate, in turn, is largely a consequence of Islamists'
ability to expand their presence in civil society. This expansion
in Egypt and other Arab countries over recent decades is thus
best understood as a sign not of benign liberalization, but
rather of profound political failure, and as an incubator
for illiberal radicalism.; Reprinted by permission of Cambridge
University Press. An electronic version of this article can
be accessed via the internet at http://journals.cambridge.org
- Democracy with adjectives: conceptual
innovation in comparative research
David Collier and Steven Levitsky.
World Polit, Vol. 49, No. 3. pp. 430-452, Apr, 1997.
- Continuing Military Power in Three Countries:
Nacla Report on the Americas, Vol. XXXII, No. 3. pp. 20-21,
Two years after the signing of the peace accords, guatemala
still has not established full civilian rule of law. The guatemalan
military still is being used by the government to conduct
criminal investigations and to patrol the countryside as the
most efficient and effective response to common crime. And
most guatemalans, fearful of the criminal insecurity that
besets the country, heartily applaud this military presence.
On the other hand, the population considers the national civilian
police incompetent and corrupt, and is increasingly taking
the law into its own hands. Lynchings and burnings of suspected
criminals, especially in the rural areas, have become commonplace
events and enjoy widespread support.
- Police reform and the peace process
in Three Countries:
Guatemala: the fifth promotion of the national civilian police
Bulletin of Latin American research, Vol. 20, No. 4. pp.
431-453, Oct, 2001.
- Colombia's democratic security agenda:
public order in the security tripod
Secur.Dialogue, Vol. 34, No. 4. pp. 391-410, Dec, 2003.
Colombia's current democratic security policy aims to re-establish
internal order and to protect the civilian population from
the depredations of illegal, armed organizations, within a
framework of rights and protections related to the rule of
law. Although the government distinguishes its 'get tough'
strategy, which has been developed within institutional parameters,
from previous national security approaches, in which unchecked
powers led to abuses against society, the actual policy content
continues to privilege a conventional military approach to
security problems. Given the critical levels of violence and
instability in Colombia, however, I suggest that the overall
strategic orientation that emphasizes law, order, and state
authority over institutional strengthening is appropriate
in the short run. A comprehensive, viable security model must
incorporate the three dimensions of physical safety for society
and state, institutional guarantees, and socioeconomic development,
yet complex security emergencies such as Colombia's warrant
prioritizing the public order component of the security tripod.
The challenge for the Colombian government will be to move
forward quickly with second-order institutional reforms and
social development programs so as to legitimate its security
policies and make them sustainable in the mid and long term.;
Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- Constructing authority alternatives
on the periphery: vignettes from Colombia
Ann C. Mason.
International political science review, Vol. 26, No. 1. pp.
37-54, Jan, 2005.
ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: Current processes of globalization are
transforming the world's social and political geography by
facilitating new socio-spatial configurations that are discontinuous
with state territories and incompatible with the notion of
exclusive authority. This article examines the emergence of
alternative sociopolitical relationships in Colombia as a
result of global changes, and considers how this development
has affected the more elusive aspects of statehood, such as
authority and legitimacy. While alternative orders can undermine
what are often already precarious structures of domestic governance
and authority, as the Colombian experience attests, new spheres
of authority may in fact enhance state performance and legitimacy.
// ABSTRACT IN FRENCH: Le developpement actuel de la globalisation
transforme la perspective sociale et politique du monde: il
facilite la formation de groupements sociaux et géographiques
qui ne s'alignent ni aux démarcations territoriales, ni aux
pouvoirs particuliers qui y correspondent. Cet article examine
l'apparution de nouvelles relations sociopolitiques en Colombie
qui résultent de changements au niveau global, et considère
l'effet de ce développement sur les aspects moins apparents
d'un état, tels l'autorité et la légitimité. Un ordre parallèle
risque d'ébranler des structures chancelantes d'ordre et d'autorité
intérieures, comme le démontre l'expérience colombienne, mais
l'existence de ces nouvelles structures de pouvoir peut aussi
contribuer à rehausser la performance et la légitimité de
l'état.; Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- The evolution of the FARC: a guerrilla
group's long history
Discusses predecessors, development, and activities of the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias
de Colombia), founded 1964.
- Algeria - the clash between Islam, democracy,
and the military
Robert A. Mortimer.
Current history, Vol. 92, No. 570. pp. 37, Jan, 1993.
- Why the rule of law matters
Journal of democracy, Vol. 15, No. 4. pp. 32-46, Oct, 2004.
Law-based rule means a set of basic conditions that make
civic life possible. A democratic rule of law requires all
that and more, however.; Reprinted by permission of the Johns
Hopkins University Press. All rights reserved.
- Illusions about consolidation
Journal of democracy, Vol. 7, No. 2. pp. 34-51, Apr, 1996.
- Insurgent Strategies in the Post-Cold
War: The Case of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
Roman D. Ortiz.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, vol. 25, no. 2, p 127, March/April,
This article presents an overview of the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Columbia (FARC) and examines its adaptation in the
post-Cold War through its development of new political orientations,
resources, and strategies. At the conclusion of the Cold War
in Latin America and the end of the civil conflict in El Salvador,
a wave of optimism spread with thoughts of the demobilization
of the strongest insurgent force in the continent, indicating
the decline of the guerrilla movements in Latin America. However,
Columbian insurgents began developing new political orientations,
resources, and strategies. Evidence of this was seen by the
success of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
The oldest armed organization had undergone a rapid adaptation
to the new strategic scenario. The result was a new model
of violent action. The guerrilla movements had undergone a
transformation becoming a significant risk to those fragile
democracies within the region. This article discusses this
critical transformation through reviewing the Latin American
insurgent groups during the Cold War, the political evolution
of the FARC, the new military capabilities of the FARC, and
their vulnerabilities. Notes
- Colombia's resilient democracy
Current history, Vol. 103, No. 670. pp. 68-73, Feb, 2004.
- The Political Economy of Violence: The
War-System in Colombia
Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol.
39, No. 2. pp. 37-81, Summer 1997.
- Political Democratization and Paramilitary
Counterreform in Colombia
Politica y Sociedad, Vol. 39, No. 1. pp. 273-292, Jan-Apr,
The work examines the phenomenon of the paramilitary in the
context of the political modernization begun in 1982 with
peace negotiations between the government & leftist guerrillas,
the political opening, & later decentralization & initial
election of mayors in 1987. Examining the emergence of armed
groups with the opposite political orientation to that of
the guerrillas, this article attempts to locate them in a
wider convergence of opposition to any reform that redistributes
power & wealth in the rural sector, as a result of a successful
negotiation with the insurgents. The article identifies three
key actors in the reaction against political modernization:
the drug traffickers, the economic elites, & local politicians,
largely rooted in the Liberal Party & sectors of the armed
forces. Of the aforementioned actors, the analysis gives the
role of the armed forces & their conception of the armed conflict
a greater explanatory weight in the trajectory that the possible
democratization has followed & the visible state dissolution
over the last decade in Colombia. Yet, the work has also considered
the absence of civil leadership in the political sectors,
in particular in the Liberal Party, the group that held the
reins of power nationally with parliamentary majorities, 1986-1998.
2 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
- The Guatemalan Military since the Peace
Accords: The Fate of Reform under Arzu and Portillo
J. Mark Ruhl.
Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 47, No. 1. pp.
55-85, Spring 2005.
The Guatemalan military dominated the country's politics
for nearly half a century, but its political power declined
during the 1990s. Democratically elected presidents Alvaro
Arzu (1996-2000) and Alfonso Portillo (2000-2004) subordinated
the armed forces to their authority and thereby gained an
unprecedented opportunity to reduce the role of the military
and institutionalize democratic civil-military relations.
Unfortunately, neither of these tasks was accomplished. An
analysis of the level of democratic control, combining Alfred
Stepan's military prerogatives indicators with a newer system
of measurement and classification designed by Samuel Fitch,
shows that the armed forces retained substantial institutional
autonomy and de facto legal immunity when Portillo left office
in 2004. The role of the military in Three Countries:
Guatemalan society, moreover, expanded again under Portillo
after declining under Arzu. This study finds that the lack
of sufficient civilian commitment to reform, rather than resistance
from the armed forces, was the principal cause of these disappointing
- Algerian Conflict: An Exercise in State
Journal for the Study of Peace and Conflict, pp. 1-15, 2001.
Examines Algerian state terrorism in its ongoing conflict
with Islamists. After defining state terrorism, it is argued
that a main conceptual scheme proposed by George Lopez to
analyze state terrorism is faulty. It is difficult to classify
a state as terrorist because the state is perceived as a neutral
arbitrator & can shift the blame for terror to individuals.
However, the techniques of illegal coercion evident by the
use of torture & the state-sponsored mass disappearances in
Algeria are components of the state's strategy of terror.
According to the article, international actors such as France
& the US are against the rise of Islam, so their best strategy
is to demand respect for human rights in public while supporting
the Algerian government in private. After the announcement
of a 1997 Civil Harmony Pact that provides amnesty to Islamists,
there has been a weakening of the Algerian state, & while
it is a first step in the long series of necessary actions,
the author argues that the pact has failed to restore peace
to Algeria. 42 References. J. Moses.
- Renegotiating 'law and order': judicial
reform and citizen responses in post-war Guatemala
Democratization, Vol. 10, No. 4. pp. 137-160, 2003.
This study examines reforms aimed at strengthening the rule
of law in Three Countries:
Guatemala implemented since the signing of the peace accords
in December 1996. Despite nearly US$200 million in foreign
aid to the justice sector, impunity remains the rule, the
judicial process is subverted by military and criminal networks,
citizen confidence in the judicial system remains low and
recourse to non-judicial measures - the 'privatisation of
justice'- is on the increase. It is argued that the institutionally-focused
approach to rule of law reform currently predominating in
donor thinking ignores the historical context within which
understandings of 'law', 'justice' and 'rights' are shaped.
Institutions do matter, but only by understanding the role
of law in long-run processes of state formation and the dynamic,
inter-subjective nature of legal interactions can we begin
to understand the specificities of socio-legal change.; Reprinted
by permission of Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
- The western media and the Algerian crisis
Race and class, Vol. 41, No. 3. pp. 43-58, Jan-Mar, 2000.
- Islamism in Algeria: a struggle between
hope and agony
Middle East Policy, Vol. X, No. 2. pp. 62-75, 2003.
- Islamism: R.I.P
National interest, Vol. 63, pp. 97-102, 2001.
Violent and preoccupied with power, Islamist ideology is
a shell game whose time is up.; Reprinted by permission of
The National Interest, Inc.
- Economic and Political Explanations
of Algeria's Human Rights Violations
International Journal of Human Rights, Vol. 8, No. 4. pp.
399-411, winter, 2004.
This article examines the impact of economic & political
variables, namely economic development, democratization, &
civil violence, on the extent to which the Algerian government
has violated human rights in the post-independence era. The
emerging evidence is such that reversal in the country's economic
fortunes since the 1986 world oil price collapse, political
liberalization in the second half of the 1980s, & civil violence
throughout the 1990s explain to a large extent the country's
decline in human rights provision since the October riots
of 1988. 1 Table, 4 Figures. Adapted from the source document.