- Fanon and the Algerian revolution
Socialist history, Vol. 39, 2011, pp. 60-80.
Frantz Fanon, phare et porte-parole de la Révolution algérienne? Telle est l'image qui prévaut dans le discours (essentiellement Anglophone) du post-colonialisme, discours qui méconnait, peut-être, la nature profonde d'une révolution 'sans visage' qui se voulait anonyme (un seul héros: le peuple). Marginal à cause de son statut personnel-historique (non-Algérien, noir, non-Islamique, mono-francophone), Fanon n'a jamais été une dirigeant de la Révolution algérienne et élabore un discours généreux, héroïque (peut-être) mais se porte en faux avec bien de ses aspects (sur-estimation du rôle de la minorité européenne, de la femme, sous-estimation du rôle de l'Islam). D'ou, sans doute, le manque de générosité posthume de la part d'un pouvoir algérien envers un Fanon qui est, certes, 'commémoré', mais pas intégré. Fanon, marginal eternel?
- Revolutionary Fanonism: on Frantz Fanon's modification of marxism and decolonization of democratic socialism
Socialism and democracy, Vol. 25, No. 1, Mar 2011, pp. 126-145.
"Marxist analysis should always be slightly stretched every time we have to do with the colonial problem": Fanon(ism), Marx(ism), and the Africana tradition of critical theory In Fanonian philosophy, decolonization is the logical consequence of colonization. [...] those who would label decolonizers and their discourse "nativists" and "nativism," should read, very slowly and carefully, the following line from Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1968): "The argument the native chooses has been furnished by the settler..."
- Aimé Cesaire, Frantz Fanon: portraits of the decolonized
Paris: Belles lettres, 2010.
Ils sont tous deux Martiniquais. Ils ont tous deux lutté contre le colonialisme et l'héritage de la traite et de l'esclavage. L'un est célébré par la République française (Césaire), l'autre presque ignoré (Fanon).
L'analyse croisée de leur biographie et de leurs écrits éclaire les débats les plus actuels sur la mémoire des femmes et des hommes d'origine africaine et les difficultés à se débarrasser de l'aliénation coloniale.
Aimé Césaire (1913-2008 ; Cadastre 1961, Tragédie du roi Christophe 1963), le poète et le chantre de la négritude, député-maire de Fort-de-France, s'élève avec vigueur et lyrisme contre le passé de la colonisation. Il milite en faveur d'une autonomie négociée au sein de la République métropolitaine. Ses prises de position, tant littéraires, mémorielles que politiques, marquent fortement la communauté antillaise et plus généralement la diaspora africaine.
Frantz Fanon (1925-1961 ; Peau noire, masques blancs 1959, L’an V de la révolution algérienne 1959, Les damnés de la terre 1961), médecin et psychiatre, se confronte aux faux-semblants identitaires des colonisés dans les départements d'Outre-mer et d'Afrique du Nord : ses consultations psychiatriques lui révèlent les stigmates infligés par leur statut aux Antillais et aux immigrés maghrébins et sahéliens. Il dénonce les pratiques asservissantes qu’impose l'assimilation et devient ainsi le porte-parole des générations contestataires.
Ces deux fils de la Martinique ont atteint une dimension universelle qui aujourd’hui particulièrement nous donne la mesure et l’intelligence des attentes et des enjeux de l’ère post-coloniale.
- Can't go home again: Sovereign entanglements and the Black Radical tradition in the twentieth century
Alvaro Andres Reyes.
Thesis, ProQuest, Ann Arbor MI, 2010.
This dissertation investigates the relation between the formation of 'Blackness" and the Western tradition of sovereignty through the works of late twentieth century Black Radical theorists. I most specifically examine the work of Stokely Carmichael, Amiri Baraka, Frantz Fanon, and Huey P. Newton in order to delineate a shift within Black Radicalism which, due to an intense de-linking of Black nationalism from the concept of territorial sovereignty throughout the 1960s and early 1970s led to the formation of a new subjectivity ('Blackness") oriented against and beyond the Western tradition of political sovereignty as a whole. This dissertation begins by outlining the parameters of the concept of sovereignty as well as its relation to conquest, coloniality, and racialization more generally. I then examine the formation of Black Power as an expression of anti-colonial sentiments present within the United States and uncover there the influence of W.E.B. DuBois' concept of double-consciousness. I then further examine the concept of Black Power through the work of Amiri Baraka and his notion of 'Blackness" as the proximity to 'home." Each of these expositions of Black Power are undertaken in order to better understand the era of Black Power and its relation to both Black nationalism and the Western tradition of sovereignty. Next, I turn to the work of Frantz Fanon, whom I claim prepares the way for the idea of 'Blackness" as an ontological resistance beyond, not only the territorial imperative, but also the logic of sovereignty more generally. This notion of 'Blackness" as an antidote to sovereign logic present within the work of Fanon allows me to turn to the work of Huey P. Newton in order to demonstrate his conceptualization of 'Blackness" as an antagonistic subjectivity within a fully globalized society whose onset he had theorized and which he termed 'empire." I conclude by drawing on each of the above theorists as well as the work of Angela Davis in order to build a retrospective summary of this alternative lineage of the Black Radical Tradition and its importance for the conceptualization of resistances to and life beyond our contemporary society. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by addressing your request to ProQuest, 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway, P.O. Box 1346, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346. Telephone 1-800-521-3042; email: email@example.com
- Contribution à l'histoire de la psychanalyse en Algérie: une psychanalyse face à la violence extrême A Contribution to the History of Psychoanalysis in Algeria, or Psychoanalysis in the Face of Extreme Violence
Saïd Bellakhdar and DeMijolla-mellor, Sophie (Author of introductory parts,Auteur des parties liminaires).
Topique (Paris), No.110, 2010, pp. 23-32.
La psychanalyse n'a pas pu se développer en Algérie en raison de l'absence d'un État de droit, d'un contexte de destructivité intense et de massacres durant la conquête et durant la décolonisation. Dans une société où les Arabes étaient perçus à travers une représentation ethnologique et raciale déshumanisée, Frantz Fanon, bien qu'il n'ait pas été psychanalyste, a introduit la psychiatrie institutionnelle et favorisé la mise en place de groupes de travail autour de textes freudiens à l'hôpital de Blida. Trois décennies après la guerre d'indépendance, l'Algérie a été confrontée à une violente guerre civile imposant le repli ou le départ des rares psychanalystes qui avaient commencé à exercer. Peu à peu les efforts de formation des hommes et le retour à une situation politique apaisée ont permis à la psychanalyse de retrouver un regain d'intérêt en raison des limites des prises en charge traditionnellement proposées aux victimes des violences et d'un accueil moins soupçonneux de ce qui venait d'Occident comme cheval de Troie du néo-colonialisme.
- Fanon and Améry: theory, torture and the prospect of humanism
Theory culture and society, Vol. 27, No. 7-8, Dec 2010, pp. 16-32.
This article examines the different ways in which torture can be seen to have shaped the political and theoretical outlook of Frantz Fanon and that of his enthusiastic reader, the former Auschwitz prisoner Jean Améry. Building on the latter's suggestion that torture was the essence of the Third Reich, the reader is asked to apply that insight to an unconventional interpretation of the routinization of torture in contemporary statecraft. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- Fanon and the decolonization of philosophy
Elizabeth Hoppe and Tracey Nicholls.
Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2010.
Fanon and the Decolonization of Philosophy explores the range of ways in which Frantz Fanon's decolonization theory can reveal new answers to perennial philosophical questions and new paths to social justice. The aim is to show not just that Fanon's thought remains philosophically relevant, but that it is relevant to an even wider range of philosophical issues than has previously been realized. The essays in this book are written by both renowned Fanon scholars and new scholars who are emerging as experts in aspects of Fanonian thought as diverse as humanistic psychiatry, the colonial roots of racial violence and marginalization, and decolonizing possibilities in law, academia, and tourism. In addition to examining philosophical concerns that arise from political decolonization movements, many of the essays turn to the discipline of philosophy itself and take up the challenge of suggesting ways that philosophy might liberate itself from colonial – and colonizing – assumptions. This collection will be useful to those interested in political theory, feminist theory, existentialism, phenomenology, Africana studies, and Caribbean philosophy. Its Fanon-inspired vision of social justice is endorsed in the foreword by his daughter, Mireille Fanon-Mendès France, a noted human rights defender in the French-speaking world. Summary reprinted by permission of Lexington Books
- Forms of Fanonism: Frantz Fanon's critical theory and the dialectics of decolonization
Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2010.
When Frantz Fanon's critiques of racism, sexism, colonialism, capitalism, and humanism are brought into the ever-widening orbit of Africana critical theory something unprecedented in the annals of Africana intellectual history happens: five distinct forms of Fanonism emerge. Forms of Fanonism: Frantz Fanon's Critical Theory and the Dialectics of Decolonization is discursively distinguished from other engagements of Fanon's thought and texts insofar as it is the first study to consciously examine his contributions to Africana Studies and critical theory or, rather, the Africana tradition of critical theory. Forms of Fanonism identifies and intensely analyzes Fanon's contributions to the deconstruction and reconstruction of Africana Studies, radical politics, and critical social theory. In highlighting his unique "solutions" to the "problems" of racism, sexism, colonialism, capitalism, and humanism, five distinct forms of Fanonism materialize. These five forms of Fanonism allow contemporary critical theorists to innovatively explore the ways in which his thought and texts can be dialectically put to use in relieving the wretched experience of this generation's wretched of the earth. Critics can also apply these forms to deconstruct and reconstruct Africana Studies, radical politics, and critical social theory using their anti-imperialist interests. Throughout Forms of Fanonism, Reiland Rabaka critically dialogues with Fanon, incessantly asking his corpus critical questions and seeking from it crucial answers. This book, in short, solemnly keeps with Fanon's own predilection for connecting critical theory to revolutionary praxis by utilizing his thought and texts as paradigms and points of departure to deepen and develop the Africana tradition of critical theory. Summary reprinted by permission of Lexington Books
- 'I am my own foundation': Frantz Fanon as a source of continued political embarrassment
Theory culture and society, Vol. 27, No. 7-8, Dec 2010, pp. 33-51.
It has become almost conventional to describe the early work of Frantz Fanon as an expression of individual political revolt, and his later work as testimony to his commitment to a collective (national) revolution. This article contends that the early work (and especially Peau noire, masques blancs), while individualistic, is a continued source of political embarrassment in that it is unclassifiable and raises difficult issues about the construction of race and racism, as well as challenging conventional views of Fanon as 'revolutionary' psychiatrist. Fanon's representation of his native Martinique, which he effectively disowned, is negative, but proves to be of surprising contemporary relevance, while his analysis of the mechanisms of racism is still pertinent: the situation in which racist stereotypes are invoked may have changed, but the stereotypical structures they employ remain remarkably constant, as do their profoundly dehumanizing effects. Fanon raises embarrassing questions for a French Republic that claims to be universal, demonstrating that its universal values are undermined by those it claims as its subjects. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- Jihad of the wretched: Examining Islamic militancy through the thought of Frantz Fanon
Adnan Ahmad Zulfiqar.
Thesis, ProQuest, Ann Arbor MI, 2010.
This thesis aims to investigate how the theories of Frantz Fanon can be used to better understand contemporary Islamic militancy. Fanon is arguably one of the most important thinkers in the 20th century, particularly because of his influential ideas regarding colonialism. Recent trends studies have pushed scholars not to limit Fanon to particular disciplines, but to appreciate him as a philosopher and thinker. In that way, his ideas can resonate beyond previously fixed paradigms and into contemporary contexts. At the same time, rhetoric on the topic of Islamic militancy has often failed to grasp the manner in which the militant views himself and interprets his opposition to the West. Hence, Fanon can be used to help unlock the complexities of this militancy and helps us to better address it. The method employed in this examination is primarily textual and began with an exploration of the four seminal texts attributed to Frantz Fanon: Wretched of the Earth, Black Skins/White Masks, Towards an African Revolution and Dying Colonialism. In particular, these texts were mined for Fanon's ideas regarding three main areas: the mind of the colonizer, the condition of the colonized and the discourse on violence. Subsequent to this, the statements of various Islamic militant groups were examined to see where there might be parallels and divergences. Finally, this information was synthesized and proposals were made on how to proceed forward. The results showed significant similarities between the rhetoric of Islamic militancy and the theoretical framework that Fanon creates. Similar grievances over usurpation of land and a threat to traditional patterns emerge in both contexts. Fanon's study of violence contains a depth that is difficult to find in Islamic militant thought, but his observations are illustrated by their behavior and rhetoric. There are also areas where Islamic militancy diverges from Fanon, particularly to the extent that religion shapes their worldview. The primary conclusion of this study is that Fanon's insights in the colonial context are useful tools with which to get at the core of Islamic militancy because its rhetoric articulates a dimension of anti-colonial response found in Fanon's writings. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by addressing your request to ProQuest, 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway, P.O. Box 1346, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346. Telephone 1-800-521-3042 e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
- On humanizing abstractions: the path beyond Fanon
Theory culture and society, Vol. 27, No. 7-8, Dec 2010, pp. 52-65.
Revisiting Fanon's classic theory of violence and relying on some of his case studies, this article detects the propensity to see the world in abstract formats as the source of the most malignant forms of revolutionary violence. Based on this, the article explores how abstraction may still be a healthy way of thinking, especially in a globalized and postcolonial world. Two mechanisms for handling abstraction in humane ways are proposed, both of which exclude loyalties to principles or communities so long as those could only be imagined in abstract forms. The two mechanisms of humanizing abstractions proposed here include the capacity to see local stories as manifestations or episodes of universal tales, and the ability to see one's concrete cause in relationship to a multiplicity of world causes being acted upon in the same forum. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- The Oppressor's Pathology
Pedro Alexis Tabensky.
Theoria (Pietermaritzburg), Vol. 57, No. 125, Dec 2010, pp. 77-98.
In Black Skin, White Masks Frantz Fanon discusses the neurotic condition that typifies the oppressed black subject, their 'psychoexistential complex'. He argues that this neurotic condition is closely related to another, the 'psychoexistential complex' of the white oppressor. Both of these complexes sustain and are sustained by social and economic injustice. But Fanon does not delve in detail into the nature of this second neurosis, for he was primarily interested in discussing this neurosis only insofar as it helps him understand the first. My aim in this paper is to provide an account of the white neurosis, and why it should be understood literally as a neurotic condition. Typical, white oppressors, not solely those who are militantly committed to oppressing others, are alienated from the world and from themselves, making their behaviour seem like that of soulless dolls, to use J.M. Coetzee's image from Age of Iron. Adapted from the source document.
- Pedagogy of fear: toward a Fanonian theory of 'safety' in race dialogue
Zeus Leonardo and Ronald K. Porter.
Race, Ethnicity and Education, Vol. 13, No. 2, Jul 2010, pp. 139-157.
In education, it is common to put the condition of 'safety' around public race dialogue. The authors argue that this procedural rule maintains white comfort zones and becomes a symbolic form of violence experienced by people of color. In other words, they ask, 'Safety for whom?' A subtle but fundamental violence is enacted in safe discourses on race, which must be challenged through a pedagogy of disruption, itself a form of violence but a humanizing, rather than repressive, version. For this, the authors turn to Frantz Fanon's theory of violence, most clearly outlined in The Wretched of the Earth. First, the article outlines the basic assumptions of Fanon's theory of revolutionary, as opposed to repressive, violence. Second, we analyze the surrounding myths that an actual safe space exists for people of color when it concerns public race dialogue. Third, we critique the intellectualization of racism as part of the concrete violence lived by people of color in the academy, which whites continually reduce to an idea. We pedagogically reframe the racial predicament by promoting a 'risk' discourse about race, which does not assume safety but contradiction and tension. This does not suggest that people of color are somehow correct by virtue of their social location. In addition, it does not equate with creating a hostile situation but acknowledges that violence is already there. Finally, we consider the practical import of intellectual solidarity, where understanding racism becomes the higher good rather than whether or not one leaves the dialogue looking more or less racist than before. Adapted from the source document.
- Struggles against injustice: contemporary critical theory and political violence
Journal of Global Ethics, Vol. 6, No. 2, Aug 2010, pp. 127-139.
This article investigates a significant problem in contemporary critical theory, namely its failure to address effectively the possibility that a campaign of political violence may be a legitimate means of fighting grave injustice. Having offered a working definition of 'political violence', I argue that critical theory should be focused on experiences of injustice rather than on ideals of justice. I then explore the reasons as to why, save for some intriguing remarks on retrospective legitimation, Jurgen Habermas has not addressed this issue directly. While Axel Honneth's recognition theory may have greater potential here, the absence of explicit consideration of the matter by him leaves considerable work to do. I introduce five questions in the concluding section that provide a starting point in setting out an appropriately stringent, normative test for claims that support violent action against injustice. Adapted from the source document.
- 'There are no blacks in France': Fanonian discourse, 'the dark night of slavery' and the French civilizing mission reconsidered
Theory culture and society, Vol. 27, No. 7-8, Dec 2010, pp. 91-111.
During the Algerian struggle, Fanon warned us about the influence on politics of 'the few European colonialists, powerful, intractable, those who have at all times instigated repressions, broken the French democrats, blocked every endeavor within the colonial framework to introduce a modicum of democracy into Algeria'. Is this remark still pertinent? How does Frantz Fanon help us understand current reactionary politics in France? Is his analysis of the French Left still pertinent? How does colonial discourse weigh on the postcolonial present? In this article, I explore current expressions of French postcolonial reactionary politics focusing on an event in Reunion Island, a French postcolonial territory. I argue that it is important to observe what is happening in French postcolonial territories because they remain laboratories for repressive policies and discourses. What I call the discourse of 'French Algeria', a mix of revisionist history, resentment, wounded narcissism and racism, embodies a political trend that seeks to counter the small progress made in rewriting history from the point of view of the colony in France. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd
- Africana critical theory: reconstructing the black radical tradition, from W.E.B. Du Bois and C.L.R. James to Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral
Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2009.
Building on and going far beyond W.E.B. Du Bois and the Problems of the Twenty-First Century and Du Bois's Dialectics, Reiland Rabaka's Africana Critical Theory innovatively identifies and analyzes continental and diasporan African contributions to classical and contemporary critical theory. This book represents a climatic critical theoretical clincher that cogently demonstrates how Du Bois's rarely discussed dialectical thought, interdisciplinarity, intellectual history-making radical political activism, and world-historical multiple liberation movement leadership helped to inaugurate a distinct Africana tradition of critical theory. With chapters on W.E.B. Du Bois, C.L.R. James, Negritude (Aime Cesaire and Leopold Senghor), Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral, Africana Critical Theory endeavors to accessibly offer contemporary critical theorists an intellectual archaeology of the Africana tradition of critical theory and a much-needed dialectical deconstruction and reconstruction of black radical politics. These six seminal figures' collective thought and texts clearly cuts across several disciplines and, therefore, closes the chasm between Africana Studies and critical theory, constantly demanding that intellectuals not simply think deep thoughts, develop new theories, and theoretically support radical politics, but be and constantly become political activists, social organizers and cultural workers – that is, folk the Italian critical theorist Antonio Gramsci referred to as "organic intellectuals." In this sense, then, the series of studies gathered in Africana Critical Theory contribute not only to African Studies, African American Studies, Caribbean Studies, Cultural Studies, Gender Studies, and Postcolonial Studies, but also to contemporary critical theoretical discourse across an amazingly wide-range of "traditional" disciplines, and radical political activism outside of (and, in many instances, absolutely against) Europe's ivory towers and the absurdities of the American academy. Summary reprinted by permission of Lexington Books
- "Frantz Fanon: colonialism and violence"
Postcolonial thought in the French-speaking world
Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2009.
In the late 1990s, postcolonial studies risked imploding as a credible area of academic inquiry, in part due to the emergence of repetitive anthologies and an overemphasis on English-language literatures. In the early twenty-first century, however, the postcolonial began to reveal a new openness towards its comparative dimensions, and French-language contributions to the postcolonial debate–including the work of Edouard Glissant and Abdelkebir Khatibi–have risen to greater prominence in the English-speaking world. This volume, written by scholars working with French-language materials, acknowledges this shift and provides an essential tool for students and scholars seeking a way into the study of Francophone postcolonial debates.
- Frantz Fanon's reception in Brazil
António Sérgio Alfredo Guimarães.
Lusotopie, Vol. XVI, No. 2, Nov 2009, pp. 157-172.
ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH: How was Fanon received among intellectuals and what was his influence on the formation of black identities in Brazil? His work took time being noticed, because of the particularities of the Latin-American left of the 1960s, because of a racial and national system totally opposed to racial and national system totally opposed to racial conflicts and because of the limited number of black researchers addressing the subject of the formation of the black identity or the assertion of the rights of the racially oppressed. It was Sartre's preface to his book 'The Wretched of the Earth' that circulated widely among non-blacks, rather than the books themselves. Fanon remained a black revolutionary wearing the white masks imposed on him by European universalist culture. There have been three decisive moments in Fanon's reception in Brazil. The first was in the 1960s amid the riots of the Black Panthers. The second was his reception by Abdias do Nascimento and young black students and professionals in the 1970s. The third is going on today through postcolonial and subaltern studies. // ABSTRACT IN FRENCH: Comment Fanon a-t-il été reçu par le milieu intellectuel et quelle influence a-t-il exercé sur la formation d'identités noires au Brésil? Son ouvrage a connu une réception tardive à cause des particularités de la gauche latino-américaine des années 1960, d'une constitution raciale et nationale totalement opposée aux conflits raciaux, et du nombre réduit de chercheurs noirs à aborder le sujet de la formation de l'identité noire ou l'affirmation des sujets de l'oppression raciale. C'est la préface de Sartre au livre Les Damnés de la Terre qui a largement circulé parmi les non-Noirs, et non pas ses livres. Fanon demeura un révolutionnaire noir portant les masques blancs imposés par la culture universaliste européenne. La réception de Fanon au Brésil s'est déroulée en trois étapes-clé. La première a eu lieu dans les années 1960, au moment des émeutes des Panthères noires. La deuxième a été sa réception par Abdias do Nascimento et les jeunes étudiants et professionnels noirs des années 1970. La troisième réception est celle qui a lieu de nos jours, à partir des études postcoloniales et subalternes. // ABSTRACT IN PORTUGUESE: Como foi a recepção de Fanon pelo meio intelectual e qual foi a sua influência sobre a formação de identidades negras no Brasil? A sua obra teve uma recepção tardia, devido à especificidade da esquerda latino-americana nos anos 1960, a uma constituição racial e nacional totalmente oposta a conflitos raciais, e ao número reduzido de pesquisadores negros que abordem a formação da identidade negra ou a afirmação de sujeitos racialmente oprimidos. Mas foi o prefácio de Sartre a Os Condenados da Terra que circulou amplamente entre os não-negros, não os seus livros. Fanon continuou sendo um revolucionário negro, com as máscaras brancas que a cultura universalista européia lhe pôs. A recepção de Fanon no Brasil teve pelo menos três momentos decisivos. A primeira deu-se nos anos 1960, em meio aos mótins pelos Panteras Negras. A segunda recepção foi feita por Abdias do Nascimento e pelos jovens estudantes e profissionais negros dos anos 1970. Uma terceira recepção de Fanon é a que ocorre hoje em dia, a partir dos estudos pós-coloniais e subalternos. Reprinted by permission of Brill Academic Publishers
- Hannah Arendt's Critique of Violence
Christopher J. Finlay.
Thesis Eleven, Vol. 97, No. 1, May 2009, pp. 26-45.
This article critiques the idea of instrumental justification for violent means seen in Hannah Arendt's writings. A central element in Arendt's argument against theorists like Georges Sorel and Frantz Fanon in On Violence is the distinction between instrumental justifications and approaches emphasizing the 'legitimacy' of violence or its intrinsic value. This doesn't really do the work Arendt needs it to in relation to rival theories. The true distinctiveness of Arendt's view is seen when we turn to On Revolution and resituate the later arguments of On Violence in the context of her ideas about the separation between revolution and liberation. Arendt's commitment to the American discovery in revolutionary politics of a means that needs no further ends to justify it permits a rereading of her conception of liberation as an attempt to envisage a violence that, while tactically instrumental, is at the same time politically non-instrumental. But while Arendt's view is distinct, the article also highlights important thematic continuities with the writings of Sorel and Walter Benjamin. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications and Thesis Eleven Co-op Ltd, copyright holder.]
- Racial discrimination: A continuum of violence exposure for children of color
Clinical child and family psychology review, Vol. 12, No. 2, Jun 2009, pp. 174-195.
This article reviews and examines findings on the impact of racial discrimination on the development and functioning of children of color in the US. Based on current definitions of violence and child maltreatment, exposure to racial discrimination should be considered as a form of violence that can significantly impact child outcomes and limit the ability of parents and communities to provide support that promotes resiliency and optimal child development. In this article, a conceptual model of the effects of racial discrimination in children of color is presented. The model posits that exposure to racial discrimination may be a chronic source of trauma in the lives of many children of color that negatively influences mental and physical outcomes as well as parent and community support and functioning. Concurrent exposure to other forms of violence, including domestic, interpersonal and/or community violence, may exacerbate these effects. The impact of a potential continuum of violence exposure for children of color in the US and the need for future research and theoretical models on children's exposure to violence that attend to the impact of racial discrimination on child outcomes are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)(journal abstract)
- Violence and Victory: guerrilla warfare, 'authentic self-affirmation' and the overthrow of the colonial state
Third World Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 1, Feb 2009, pp. 129-146.
This contribution critically investigates the ideas underpinning the armed struggle of colonial subjects against colonial states in the middle decades of the 20th century. It focuses in particular on two of the most influential texts that inspired and guided violent anti-colonial resistance, The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon and On Guerrilla Warfare by Mao Zedong. Both Fanon and Mao provided powerful analyses of the violent (psychological and military) underpinnings of colonialism and articulated strategies of resistance. This contribution argues that the persuasiveness of Mao's and Fanon's thought stemmed from their deep dialectical (ie Hegelian) understanding of war and colonialism. By demonstrating the dialectical foundations of Mao's and Fanon's thought—inspired intellectually by their readings of Carl von Clausewitz and Jean-Paul Sartre—the contribution illustrates how their understanding allowed them not only to fathom the interactive dynamics at the core of war and colonialism, but also to devise successful ways of unseating colonial power. Yet, while they shared a common belief in violent anti-colonial struggles, they nevertheless diverged fundamentally in their respective conceptions of violence. Mao (through Clausewitz) held an instrumental view of violence, whereas Fanon (through Sartre) understood violence in existential terms. This meant, as is argued here, that their respective conceptions of violence would not necessarily, on their own, have been sufficient to bring colonialism to an end. Taken together, however, their instrumental and intrinsic conceptions of violence complemented each other and helped armed anti-colonial struggles succeed around the globe. Adapted from the source document.
- On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon
Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings.
Contemporary Political Theory, Vol. 7, No. 1, Feb. 2008, pp. 90-108.
This paper considers the implications of Hannah Arendt's criticisms of Frantz Fanon and the theories of violence and politics associated with his influence for our understanding of the relationship between those two phenomena. Fanon argues that violence is a means necessary to political action, and also is an organic force or energy. Arendt argues that violence is inherently unpredictable, which means that end reasoning is in any case anti-political, and that it is a profound error to naturalize violence. We evaluate their respective arguments concluding that in her well-founded rejection of the naturalization of violence, Arendt's understanding of the embodied nature of violence is less insightful than Fanon's. Adapted from the source document.
- Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers' movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo)
Nigel C. Gibson.
Social Identities, Vol. 14, No. 6, Nov 2008, pp. 683-715.
Grounded in the South African experience, in discussions with Blacks about their everyday experiences of oppression and in attitudes formed from that experience and sharpened by an engagement with Africana philosophers like Fanon, Steve Biko recreated the kind of praxis that Fanon suggested in the conclusion of The Wretched of the Earth, namely that the working out of new concepts cannot come from the intellectual's head alone but must come from a dialogue with common people. Today a new shackdweller movement (Abahlali base Mjondolo) has emerged in South Africa, which has put post-apartheid society on trial and has resonated with Fanon and Biko's idea of a decolonized new humanism. At the same time Abahlali's notion of a person and its critique of reification has been challenged by the spontaneous eruption of xenophobic violence indicating that the stark choice between humanism and barbarism is a most concrete question in the shack settlements. Because Biko's development of Black consciousness and his engagement of Fanon's thought remains of historic importance to contemporary South Africa, the paper begins with a focus on the creativity and the contradictory processes by which Fanon's philosophy of liberation is articulated in Steve Biko's conception of Black consciousness. From this starting point the discussion shifts from Biko's critique of white liberalism to the dialectics of contemporary neoliberal 'postcolonial' reality. What remains central, however, are the creative and contradictory processes that a reengagement with Fanon will create. In other words, since it is 'the live subject that unites theory and reality', the issue becomes how, in a new historic moment, a philosophy born of struggle makes itself heard. Adapted from the source document.
- REVISITING FANON'S LIFE, TIMES, AND THOUGHT
African studies review, Vol. 47, No. 3, Dec 2004, pp. 165-171.
Martin reviews Frantz Fanon, Portrait by Alice Cherki, Fanon: The Postclonial Imagination by Nigel C. Gibson, and Frantz Fanon: A Biography by David Macey.
- Visions of revolution from the spirit of Frantz Fanon: A psychology of liberation for counseling African Americans confronting societal racism and oppression
Shawn O. Utsey, Mark A. Bolden and Andrae L. Brown.
Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc, 2001, 311-336.
In this chapter, we integrate a psychology of liberation from a Fanonian perspective in offering a more effective modality for counselors and other mental health practitioners working with African Americans confronting societal racism and oppression. In the first section, we introduce Frantz Fanon the person and provide some background information so that the reader may understand his personal and professional development as a revolutionary leader and freedom fighter, mental health practitioner, and visionary for the full development of the human spirit. In the next section, for the purposes of establishing a context for understanding the experiences of African Americans with racism and oppression, a sociohistory of the "Black experience" in the United States is provided. Following the sociohistory of the African American experience, we discuss the impacts of racism and oppression with regard to prolonged exposure and acute racism reactions. Next, we present the tenets for a psychology of liberation as discussed in the works of such revolutionary visionaries as Fanon, Bulhan, and Freire. Finally, we propose several levels of action for counselors seeking to facilitate authentic liberation for their African American clients. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)(chapter)
- The Gift of Si(gh)ted Violence: Toward a Discursive Intervention into the Organization of Capitalism
Peter McLaren, Zeus Leonardo and Ricky Lee Allen.
Discourse, Vol. 21, No. 2, spring 1999 1999, pp. 139-162.
Explores how mediated spaces allow the privileged to transmit the symptoms of discursive (cool) violence, arguing that discursive violence obscures the role of the privileged in perpetuating systematic violence while blaming its victims. Jean Baudrillard's (eg, 1993) theories of symbolic exchange & the gift are drawn on to suggest that discursive violence is a gift that symbolically inscribes subjectivities. A proposed framework dismantles the representation of violence, the violence of representation, & the means with which social relations generate violence at the level of the sign to sustain a capitalist social order. A spatially inscribed theory of violence is placed in specific sites of social interaction, maintaining that understanding the role played in violence by different classes of people requires recognizing that subjects see violence at specific sites through the constitutive power of discourse. An extension of Wayne Mellinger's (1997) analysis of a four-part series on gang violence in the Los Angeles Times illustrates the role of discursive violence in media treatment of gang violence. 48 References. J. Lindroth