Giroux, Henry A

Cultural Studies - Critical Methodologies, 2002, 2, 1, Feb, 9-14.

It is contended that some democratic processes have been replaced by discourses of increased national security, war, & revenge in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the eastern US. It is asserted that conservative politicians & party members & organizations within the national media are shaping the nation's current political reality. Although the George W. Bush administration has asked Americans to accept reduced civil liberties in the name of national security, the federal state is criticized for doing little to encourage the everyday citizen's participation in political processes prior to the attacks. The need to address the rise of neoliberalism & the welfare state's downfall within the context of this new national discourse is stressed. Moreover, it is argued that the freedoms granted by democracy cannot be sacrificed to augment national security. It is concluded that the terrorist attacks must be considered within the context of the democratic crisis in the present-day US. 6 References. J. W. Parker.

Kellner, Douglas

Cultural Studies - Critical Methodologies, 2002, 2, 1, Feb, 27-39.

Momentous historical events like the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States test social theories & provide a challenge to give a convincing account of the event & its consequences. They also provide cultural studies an opportunity to trace how the discourses of social theory play themselves out in media discourse, as well as to test how the broadcast & other dominant media of communication perform their democratic role of providing accurate information & discussion, & assume a responsible role in a time of crisis. In these remarks, I want first to suggest how certain dominant social theories were put in question during the event, how highly problematic positions generated by contemporary social theory circulated through the media, & how the media on the whole performed disastrously & dangerously, whipping up war hysteria while failing to provide a coherent account of what happened, why it happened, & what would count as responsible responses to the terrorist attacks. 5 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.].

Horowitz, Irving Louis

Society, 2002, 39, 2(256), Jan-Feb, 6-10.

Identifies some broad repercussions for the US of the terrorist attacks of 11 Sept 2001, including the end of (1) the nation's sense of invulnerability, (2) mindless multiculturalism, (3) national integration, (4) political indifference, (5) civic preeminence, (6) maximum privacy, & (7) free market monetarist capitalism. In the months since the attacks, concerns for public safety have superseded possible infringements on private liberties, & patriotism has enjoyed a resurgence; whether these trends persist over the long run remains to be seen. Major political parties have reached a new ground for agreement & the public's political consciousness has been raised, in the process strengthening the democracy the terrorists hoped to destroy. K. Hyatt Stewart.

Sprinzak, Ehud

Foreign Policy, 2001, 127, Nov-Dec, 72-73.

This brief article discusses the new threat of the megalomaniacal hyperterrorist to US national security, highlighting Ramzi Yousef, Timothy McVeigh, Yigal Amir, Shoko Asahara, & Osama bin Laden as prime examples of this new breed of terrorists. It discusses how they vary from textbook versions of terrorist groups, particularly in terms of how they view themselves in historical terms & strive to discover new ways to create massive destruction. M. D. Cowder.

Talbott, Strobe

Foreign Policy, 2001, 127, Nov-Dec, 75-76.

Argues that one of the remaining challenges after the tragedy of 11 Sept 2001 in the US is the role that poverty plays in fueling these terroristic fires. To the increasing number of poverty-stricken people in terrorism-implementing countries, the terrorists are viewed as heroes who inflict injury on the countries by whom they feel victimized. It is suggested that we engage this "war on poverty" by focusing on programs of economic aid, democracy promotion, etc, & then back these efforts with increased commitments from treasuries, primarily that of the US. M. D. Cowder.

Foreign Policy, 2001, 127, Nov-Dec, 31-47.

This article, chaired by journal editor, Moises NaiM, is an engaging interview among four high-ranking, retired US military leaders - Maj. Gen. William Nash, Adm. William Owens, Gen. Charles Boyd, & Lt. Gen. Paul Van Riper - that occurred only one day after the 9/11/01 terrorist bombing of the US). During the course of the interview, both similar & varying viewpoints concerning the measures that ought to be taken in dealing with this recent crisis, & the extent to which the military is, will be, or should be changing its tactics to complete successful missions in light of these new threats, are discussed. Also, opinions on obstacles to achieving a more efficient military, along with thoughts on capitalizing on our allies, the value of multilateral treaties, & the assessment of who our greatest security threats might be are also addressed. Embedded within this article is a piece on military budgets that contains three figures on defense spending & a second piece that provides the interview participants' opinions on the controversial Goldwater-Nichols Dept of Defense Reorganization Act. It concludes with a list of resources for those who want to learn more about both military strategy & structure & terrorism. 3 Figures. M. D. Cowder.

Avineri, Shlomo

Internationale Politik, 2001, 56, 10, Oct, 3-5.

The response to the terrorist attacks in New York & Washington has to be a change in the way of warfare, which must, according to a former Secretary General of the Israeli foreign ministry, be based on new alliances & legitimacies. Adapted from the source document.

Giniewski, Paul

Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali, 2001, 68, 4(272), Oct-Dec, 587-603.

In an exploration of the effects of the World Trade Center attacks on relations in the Middle East & Israeli-Arab issues, focus is on the reactions of other countries, particularly France & other EU member states toward the 11 Sept events & the Arab world in general. The article discusses the role of Sharon & Israel in deciding who is responsible for continued terrorist acts. It also considers what types of actions will be needed to control terrorism, not only in Israel, but also in the rest of the world. E. Miller.

Hoffman, Bruce

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 2001, 24, 5, Sept-Oct, 417-428.

Terrorism has changed during the last ten years, though it still follows traditional patterns & shows little inclination to use chemical biological, radiological, or nuclear (CBRN) weapons. Terrorism, in many cases, now lacks any publicly identified central command authority. Also, many terrorist movements do not have defined aims or objectives. Therefore, individual networks may have greater freedom & latitude in tactical decisions. Nevertheless, the technical expertise, logistical, & financial problems makes CBRN attacks unlikely. The Aum Shinrikyo, which was responsible for the 1995 nerve gas attack on the Tokyo subway, illustrates this point. This organization has about 60,000 members, about $1 billion in assets, & members with scientific & engineering degrees. For all its sophisticated research & development, its attempts to disseminate botulinum toxin or anthrax have failed, & its greatest success in the subways caused only 12 fatalities. The Japanese government is still standing, & there is no widespread panic. These factors should be taken into account to create counterterrorism that is affordable & practical. R. Larsen.

Parachini, John V

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 2001, 24, 5, Sept-Oct, 389-406.

Analyzes the motivations of terrorists & suggests that the new shift by the US in protecting itself against the use of unconventional weapons may be misguided. Several incidents, eg, the Oklahoma City bombing, the World Trade Center bombing, & other bombings perpetrated or organized by Osama bin Laden, are examined. Interviews & letters of the terrorists are reviewed to show their motivation. For example, both Timothy McVeigh & bin Laden see themselves as oppressed victims, their actions as a part of a holy war, & their attacks as symbolic. However, religion is not always a factor, as groups such as Yousef & the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam demonstrate. In all these instances, unconventional weapons are almost never utilized; conventional weapons are easy to use & deadly against human life. A balance between preparation for both unconventional & conventional weapons is needed, as well as new research & policy initiatives. 2 Figures. R. Larsen.

Veness, David

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 2001, 24, 5, Sept-Oct, 407-416.

Summarizes the key points of terrorism & points to an integrated approach to defeat it. Terrorism is no longer aimed at diplomats, soldiers, or those in authority; now the victims are innocent parties. Newer diffuse threats such as individuals working alone who have access to traditional weapons are appearing. Serious crime & terrorism are becoming one & the same. Weapons of mass destruction are now accessible & present a real, albeit small, threat. It is only through inclusive team activity that terrorism can be defeated. The political & geographical obstacles that remain must be overcome, & communities must remain strong for any counterterrorism to work. R. Larsen.

Hubel, Helmut; Kaim, Markus

Internationale Politik, 2001, 56, 8, Aug, 39-46.

The present US government under the leadership of President George W. Bush tends to have a rather reserved style concerning the Middle East. Beside the Middle East conflict, it follows up on issues like energy, the spreading of weapons of mass destruction, & international terrorism in the region with great concern. Adapted from the source document.

Qadir, Shaukat

Round Table, 2001, 360, July, 333-343.

International terrorism, coined to describe the attempts by the Soviet state to promote instability in the West, is now being applied to the activities of organizations & individuals, often in the developing world, who advocate indiscriminate violence in support of their goals. The combination of politics & religion in countries such as Pakistan under leaders such as General Zia al Haq & the rapid increase in the number of religious seminaries (Madrissas) laid the grounds for the emergence of urban terrorism that began in the 1980s & continues to plague the country. The author suggests that terrorism seeks legitimacy from religion, & points out that many people entering Pakistan's seminaries are from underprivileged backgrounds. He suggests the elimination of international terrorism is through education & the elimination of poverty, & recommends the establishment of parallel Madrissas providing a more enlightened religious education. Adapted from the source document.

Whidden, Michael J

Fordham Law Review, 2001, 69, 6, May, 2825-2888.

This article asserts that the Antiterrorism & Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA), designed to prevent such terrorist acts as the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, violates the principle of "equal justice" since it targets the Arab population in the US. The law is more suited to fight international terrorism, rather than domestic terrorism. Its three most controversial sections allow the courts to deport "alien terrorists" based on findings from secret evidence; the listing of foreign terrorist organizations by the Secretary of State; & the fining of individuals who contribute to them. The author describes the historical events that led to the creation of AEDPA & defines, historically, the concept of equal justice. Out of 87 terrorist acts in the US, only the bombing of the World Trade Center & one other act were tied to Arab groups. Because of the anti-Arab sentiment in the US, the judicial system has acquired an unconscious racial bias. AEDPA stigmatizes all Arabs &, thus, subtly encourages societal discrimination. Corrective measures such as changing the foreign terrorist organization labeling process, restricting unjust tracking of anti-Arab hate crimes, repealing the acceptance of secret evidence, & restricting investigative excesses, should be adopted. L. A. Hoffman.

Falkenrath, Richard

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 2001, 24, 3, May-June, 159-181.

The threat of terrorism, particularly terrorism involving a weapon of mass destruction (WMD), has received enormous attention in the last decade. Since the mid-1990s, the federal government has embarked on a concerted national effort to prepare the country for acts of WMD terrorism. A key component of the counterterrorism agenda is the domestic preparedness program, a series of initiatives aimed at reducing America's vulnerability to a WMD terrorist attack. However, there is a heated debate over whether the US needs a domestic preparedness program at all. This article argues that much of the debate originates in disparate approaches to analyzing terrorism. Terrorism studies specialists use an internal model that analyzes the root causes, motives, & historical patterns of terrorism & concludes that the threat of WMD terrorism against the US is not sufficient to warrant the domestic preparedness budget. Policymakers & national security experts, however, rely on an external risk assessment model that considers terrorism within the context of the many risks to American security. This assessment model evaluates WMD terrorism on the basis of risk & consequences, & reaches a logical conclusion that the potential for mass destruction not only merits, but also requires, a level of domestic preparedness. 5 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

Johnson, Larry C

American Behavioral Scientist, 2001, 44, 6, Feb, 894-913.

Despite pundit hysteria & media hype, the actual threat of terrorism has shrunk in recent years. The decline, which commenced during the late 1980s, includes reductions in the number of incidents, groups, & fatalities. Although the 1990s saw a significant increase in the number of people injured in terrorist attacks, less than 1% of the incidents caused more than 70% of the injuries. Radical Islamic groups account for only a small % of terrorist attacks but are disproportionately responsible for causalities. The decline & containment of terrorism hinges on the reluctance of states to sponsor terrorist attacks, the spread of democracy, & more effective anti- & counterterrorist methods. 11 Figures, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Aiken, Sharryn J

Refuge: Canada's Periodical on Refugees, 2001, 19, 4, Feb, 116-133.

The overarching objective of this paper is to provide a critical appraisal of the antiterrorism provisions of Canada's Immigration Act. The impact of these measures on refugees is the primary concern of this inquiry, but observations are relevant to the situation of other categories of noncitizens as well. Part 1 (2000) considered international efforts to address "terrorism," the relevance of international humanitarian law to an assessment of acts of "terror," & the nature of contemporary discourse on terrorism. The evolution of the current "admissibility" provisions in Canadian immigration law was examined, with particular reference to national security threats & "terrorism." Focus here is on the role played by Canada's Federal Court in legitimizing the national security scheme. The tensions in the current jurisprudence are considered with a more in-depth analysis of Suresh v. Minister of Citizenship & Immigration, a case pending before the Canadian Supreme Court. The paper concludes with suggestions for restoring human rights for refugees while safeguarding a genuine public interest in security. Adapted from the source document.

Ross, Susan Dente

Communication Law and Policy, 2001, 6, 1, winter, 75-122.

Despite a sustained period of peace & prosperity in the US, Congress has enacted considerable antiterrorism legislation, which - like past laws based in fear of foreign threats to the national security - erodes freedom of expression. This article provides a political, historical, & legal background before examining this legislation & its application in cases affecting the rights of First Amendment claimants. The article finds that most courts, including the US Supreme Court, have tended to use a formulaic strict scrutiny analysis of the legislation that endorses the government's position that, for example, the Antiterrorism & Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, is a content-neutral response to the important interest in reducing the threat of terrorism. The article argues that the courts instead should adopt an analysis based on the real intent & discriminatory effects of the law to find it is impermissibly content-based, overbroad, & vague. Adapted from the source document.

Kagan, Robert

Survival, 2001, 43, 1, spring, 7-16.

The world was kind to America in the 1990s. It is unlikely, however, that the next decade will be so accommodating. Clinton administration policies on the People's Republic of China & Iraq, inadequate defense spending, & delays in building a national missile defense are intimately related failures that may well converge most unpleasantly for the Bush administration. Since the end of the Cold War, Americans have confused themselves by asking the wrong question: "Where is the threat?" Yet the danger to be faced does not fit neatly under the heading of "international terrorism," "rogue states," or "ethnic conflict." The danger, rather, is that the US, the world's dominant power, on which the maintenance of international peace & the support of liberal democratic principles depend, will neglect its responsibilities & allow the international order that it created & sustains to collapse. Adapted from the source document.

Dishman, Chris

Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 2001, 24, 1, Jan-Feb, 43-58.

This article argues that some of today's terrorist groups have transformed into transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) that are more interested in profits than politics. This dynamic has important implications for policymakers as some traditional, politically motivated terrorist groups further profit-minded agencies under a political banner. The author argues that there are different degrees of transformation; some terrorists commit criminal acts to support political operations, while others view profit-driven criminal acts as their end game. The article further argues that unlike some observers suggest, TCOs & terrorist groups will not cooperate with each other to advance aims & interests, instead utilizing their "in-house" capabilities to undertake criminal or political acts. Adapted from the source document.

Falkenrath, Richard A

International Security, 2001, 25, 4, spring, 147-186.

This article analyzes the growth of the federal weapons of mass destruction preparedness program, which since 1995 has grown from almost nothing to an annual budget of $1.5 billion in 2000. The article discusses reasons for the US's interests in developing such a program. The article then discusses how this program relates to initiatives in the government such as counterterrorism & disaster management. The article then gives a brief history of the development of this program & its current characteristics & organizational structure. The article concludes with a discussion of problems that face the US government in preparing for domestic attacks with weapons of mass destruction. E. Miller.

Ahrari, M Ehsan

Mediterranean Quarterly, 2001, 12, 2, spring, 83-100.

The article criticizes the US's development of a national missile defense (NMD) or theater missile defense (TMD), saying that it will escalate into another arms race. The rationale behind such a weapons system is that rogue states such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Cuba, Sudan, & Syria may challenge the primacy of the US. The article shows that Iran has had political shifts & does not possess the capability to make nuclear weapons. Iraq is an unlikely aggressor since the Gulf War. The leadership of Libya has renounced terrorism. Altogether, the rationale to build the NMD lacks credibility & may force the People's Republic of China & Russia to increase military spending to keep up with the US. R. Larsen.

Pundak, Ron

Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft, 2001, 3, 245-252.

Regarding peace between Israel & Palestine, the former needs to relinquish beliefs that have directed its policies for decades. Israel needs to give up territories once regarded as vital to security, & it needs to come to terms with the idea that those who will take control there are the ones who had sworn to destroy Israel & had long been regarded as terrorists. Also, Israel will have to hand over more than a hundred Jewish settlements & sovereignty over East Jerusalem. The Palestinians will have to finally accept that more than three-quarters of former Palestine is now Israeli territory, & that the vast majority of Palestinians will not be able to return to Israel. The Palestinian government needs to proactively fight the anti-Israeli terrorism of its radical compatriots. In the Oslo accord of 1993, both sides had agreed in principle to pay their respective price. The route to a lasting peace was therefore mapped out, even if not every detail was clarified. It would result in a sovereign, but demilitarized, Palestinian state basically within the cease-fire borders of 1967. Major Jewish settlements would be retained by Israel, & in return, Palestine would receive an equal amount of land next to Gaza. Jerusalem would serve both states as an open capital city. For the Palestinian refugees, there would be limited reparations, but no mass return to Israel. The renewed escalation in violence in September 2000 despite the basic agreement between the two sides is due to the bad management of the peace process. But the long-term direction continues to be toward peace. Adapted from the source document.

Eubank, William; Weinberg, Leonard

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2001, 13, 1, spring, 155-164.

Most observers believe that the "democratic rules of the game" provide a peaceful means for resolving political conflicts. This may be true, but not all groups or even single individuals in democratic societies need play by these rules. This analysis uses two data sets: one that classifies most countries of the world based on how they were ruled in the mid-1980s, & the other on the frequency with which their nationals either perpetrated or were victimized by terrorists attacks, to investigate the relationship between terrorism & democracy. The findings suggest that stable democracy & terrorism go together. An analysis of the data reveal that terrorist attacks occur most often in the world's most stable democracies, & that, further, both the perpetrators & victims of those attacks are citizens of the same democracies. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Quillen, Chris

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2001, 13, 1, spring, 47-65.

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) & the rise in increasingly violent terrorism have coincided this decade to spur many governments to action. This article explores how the US Congress has reacted to this new threat to national security in its attempts to combat both proliferation & terrorism. It recounts the evolution of the congressional response from borderline apathy to intense concern & concludes by demonstrating Congress' desire to focus more on the threat of domestic terrorism as opposed to that of international proliferation. Adapted from the source document.

Malvesti, Michele L

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2001, 13, 2, summer, 85-106.

When an anti-US international terrorism incident occurs, the preferred US counter-terrorism response is law enforcement action. Sometimes, however, US decisionmakers supplement or supplant this approach with a "power" approach via overt military action. Among the more than 2,400 anti-US incidents over a 16-year period, the US has applied military force in response to only three: the 1986 Libyan bombing of a West German discotheque; the 1993 Iraqi attempt to assassinate former President Bush in Kuwait; & the 1998 bombing of two US embassies in East Africa by bin Laden operatives. What differentiates these incidents from other anti-US attacks? Although the presidents who ordered the strikes offered justifications common to each, this article uncovers five other factors that may have greater explanatory power. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Pedahzur, Ami; Ranstorp, Magnus

Terrorism and Political Violence, 2001, 13, 2, summer, 1-26.

Like other studies in the field of counter-terrorism, the question underlying this article is to what degree can a democracy lead an effective struggle against terrorism & at the same time uphold its liberal, or even democratic, character? This article seeks to elaborate on the theoretical tools used for answering this question by developing the operational aspects of the "war model" & "criminal justice model" in the war against terrorism & then by presenting an "expanded criminal justice model" to mediate between the two already existing models. This continuum of models is then tested on the Israeli response to Jewish terrorism & possible explanations for the state's decision to move from one model to the other are presented. One of the central conclusions of the study is that the most successful antiterrorist campaigns led by Israel against Jewish terrorists were the ones in which the state's authorities did not cross any democratic boundaries. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Fermandois, Joaquin

Estudios Publicos, 2001, 84, spring, 49-83.

What are the dilemmas facing the great democracies, especially the US, following the attack of 11 Sept 2001? The worldwide reaction of condemnation, the author warns, could easily dissolve when it comes to formulating concrete policies against terrorism. Thus, the major challenge at the moment is to elicit a political response aimed at creating an "international society" concept reaching beyond that of the great developed nations. The great persuasions & ideas that have arisen out of modernity (Marxism has always been the favorite example) have been present in the foundations of all responses during the 20th century in practically all societies of the planet. Is this period coming to an end, to return to particularisms? Perhaps so, but here it is argued that so-called "fundamentalism" is also a component of the potential of what is modern. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Stevenson, Jonathan

Survival, 2001, 43, 4, winter, 35-48.

Within 10 days of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center & the Pentagon, President George W. Bush proclaimed: "Our war on terror begins with al-Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, & defeated." Despite the sweeping cast of the Bush doctrine, however, the qualification "with global reach" gave him the leeway to circumscribe the operative definition of terrorism. Practical considerations require a policy that does so. The counterterrorism effort against al-Qaeda alone will require diverse & sustained military, law-enforcement, & intelligence resources that will stretch the capacities of the US & its allies. The US & its allies enjoy greater leverage over some terrorist groups, & less over others. The upshot is that different policies will fit different terrorist groups & sponsors. Adapted from the source document.